nasubi_01

Challenging the Issues Around the Radiation-exposed Labor That Connects San’ya and Fukushima — Toward a Revival of the Underclass Workers’ Movement

by NASUBI

(Photo: Kenji Higuchi)
(日本語の原文は下記に掲載ースクロールダウンしてお読みください。)

1. Day-workers in Yoseba2 and Radiation-exposed Laborers –-the Fukushima Nuclear Accident and Our Responsibility

It was in 1986, the year of the Chernobyl Nuclear Accident, that I intervened in the day-workers’ support movement in San’ya Tokyo, after having seen and been influenced by the film: “Yama—Attack to Attack.3” From books and lectures by Kenji Higuchi4, I had learned the reality of day-workers being mobilized for radiation-exposed labor, and I had had somewhere in my mind that the issue existed in the context of San’ya day-workers. However, being a student activist at that time, I had only just barely established a rapport with San’ya after some rites of passage; I was tackling already severe and unguaranteed working conditions at construction sites to which the majority of day-workers were sent everyday, therefore I was missing a chance to engage in the reality of radiation-exposed labor.

It was in 1998, after more than ten years had passed, that I came to be able to work on the issues of radiation-exposed labor in the context of San’ya. The Tokyo Electric Company announced that it would have workers go inside the reactor core to do core shroud replacement. (In fact this had already begun in the year 1997). Yuko Fujita5 warned about the unprecedented danger of the work, and the branches of the Day-workers’ Association [Hiyatoi-zenkyo] began a campaign to call for a refusal of this work. They were distributing flyers informing the workers of the dangers. On a day-to-day basis, we were conducting listening research from the radiation-exposed workers. But only one out of 10 to 20 workers explained to us about their experiences, and on top of that most of them were silent about concrete details. Some of them even said they could not talk because they were strictly forbidden to reveal the nature of their work inside reactors, and furthermore, they would not want to talk because of their bonds with the labor brokers (fearing for their future employment).

Meanwhile a familiar buddy, Matsumoto-san, who was having a homeless life in the Shinjyuku area and always participated in our outdoor cooking activities, said that he had gone to work at a nuclear plant five years ago. We were shocked by the experience of this old friend. We then organized a study group centered around him about radiation-exposed labor at San’ya Workers’ Welfare Center [San’ya Rodosha Fukushi Kaikan]. The participating workers and supporters (including Yuko Fujita) learned from his involvement that uninformed day-workers and homeless workers had been made to do decontamination work in a highly radioactive environment. We also heard that a friend of Matsumoto-san who had gone to the plant with him died in misery of leukemia.

But in fact we could not meet a single worker who actually had gone to do the core shroud replacement. Furthermore, amid the reactions of some workers who said: ”to hell with ‘don’t work there’ at this time of high unemployment,” we were unable to develop any campaigns and projects on this front. After the Fukushima disaster I cannot help but regret that we did not stand firm and continue our efforts to make a movement at that time. Fujita repeatedly told us: “No nuclear reactor can operate without radiation-exposed labor, and nuclear plants will stop if and only if the workers refuse to do the job.” Now the responsibility for this nuclear disaster, the responsibility for having produced the labor condition that requires workers to face unprecedented amounts of radiation exposure weighs upon us who gave up the movement then.

2. Creating “The Manual for Radiation-exposed Workers’ Self-protection”

After the Fukushima Nuclear Accident, the framework of the Emergency Conference for Fukushima Nuclear Accident was built around various movements and individuals active in the Tokyo metropolitan area. Due to the deep feeling of regret, I participated in this conference and began to work on the project concerning radiation-exposed labor. The first thing was to produce “The Manual for Radiation-exposed Workers’ Self-protection” to be distributed among the workers who would go to Fukushima Daiichi Plant to take care of the disastrous situation.

All in all, nobody should go there to do such a job with respect to health. On the other hand, it is expected that the situation would develop into an even more disastrous radiation spread if nobody went to do the work. And it can be imagined that there are workers who have to go there due to their own life conditions. From my own bitter defeat in 1998, I know that just saying “don’t go to work there” would not affect the workers and simply exclude them from the movement. Furthermore, the issues around radiation-exposed labor include not only health hazards caused by radiation but also those concerning inhumane, unguaranteed and disposable labor due to the layered subcontracts and informal workers’ dispatching. In this regard, it is we, the movement of day-workers and homeless workers, who have to tackle the issue. Thus the manual is made for offering workers information for protecting their lives and security as well as the contact information for counseling offices for emergency. Our hope was to make this a tool to connect ourselves with the workers and make a movement.

To the manual, due to lack of experience, we had to ask those who had participated in lawsuits for acknowledgment of industrial incidents and compensation for damages in the area of radiation-exposed labor to review our content. As we learned in this process, there had been only very few examples of movements – such as some Labor security Centers [Rodo Anzen Center] and Citizens’ Nuclear Information Center – that have treated the issues around radiation-exposed labor from the standpoint of the labor movement; most labor movements, including ours, left the issues alone. Forty five years had passed since nuclear power plants began their commercial operations in the country, and radiation-exposed workers were said to number about 450,000, while only ten workers have succeeded in attaining any acknowledgment of any industrial incident. It simply showed the extent to which radiation-exposed workers had been excluded from labor movements in general.

In such a social situation, “the Manual” functioned not only as a tool for offering information and a communication network to the workers who might possibly go to work in a radioactive environment, but also as an informational foundation for labor activists to engage in the issues concerning radiation-exposed work. And finally it attained significance in widely socializing the issues of radiation-exposed labor.

3. Fukushima Nuclear Workers and San’ya Workers

Currently, we have been seeking to establish a basis for labor counseling in Fukushima, using the Manual and in collaboration with the Labor security Centers and Citizens’ Nuclear Information Center, in order to develop a movement that connects itself with radiation-exposed workers. In Fukushima where we made a preliminary visit, we were able to hear stories about local workers from Koshiro Ishimaru6, who had been active in the local anti-nuke movement as well as in support for radiation-exposed workers.

In Futaba-cho and Okuma-cho where the Fukushima Daiichi Plant is located, the land is not suitable for agricultural production, therefore the local people who came of age had to go to cities as migrant workers, before the plant was inaugurated. There were many households where the father was absent throughout the year. After the power plant was built, those who had gone to yoseba such as San’ya came back and began to work at the plant. They were pleased that they now were able to live and eat together at the same dinner table. That is to say, more than half of the plant workers were locals, who would have been in cities as day-workers if not for the plant.

Many of the workers in San’ya are from the Northeastern part of Japan, and especially from Fukushima. Yes. That is the bare fact. If not for Fukushima Daiichi, many of the people there would have been eating at the outdoor cookout with us in Tokyo. The nuclear workers in Fukushima and the day-workers/homeless workers in San’ya are connected not just in their common structural position, but in concrete living and working conditions.

Having learned this fact, our engagement in radiation-exposed workers came to share the same meaning with the labor movement in San’ya, and was no longer mainly motivated by self-reproach. At the same time, we were confronted by the problem embedded in the fact that we had been active in San’ya for twenty-five years without being fully aware of this fact.

4. From Self-criticism to a Revival of the Under-class Labor Movement

In Fukushima we got much information from a labor union based in Iwaki City. From that area, a certain number of people went to work at the Fukushima Daiichi and Daini plants; some around the ages of 50 to 55 were brought to a local hospital and died there. Locals usually talked about such stories in such a way: “because he has worked at the power plant.”

We had long been oblivious to the situation surrounding Fukushima workers. Our approach in 1998 was just confined in yoseba and not expanding beyond yoseba. Had we really recognized the structural reality of the under-class workers in this country, we could have developed a movement concretely connecting and going back and forth between San’ya and Fukushima, around the Fukushima Daiichi Plant where the core shroud replacement is practiced. It was not that we could not do anything, rather it was that we did not do anything. Had we been able to scrutinize the words of two revolutionaries struggling in yoseba – Osamu Funamoto* and Kyoichi Yamaoka* – in the concrete situation, we would not have been defeated in such a misery.

The nuclear power plant that had come into existence as a much appreciated place to offer locals jobs revealed its substance in the wake of this accident – it destroyed, not to mention the whole family dinner table, the entire life and history of the people in the region. It is now clear to everyone that the nuclear power, imposed as it was upon the people by taking advantage of their difficulty of life, only nurtures, maintains and reinforces the gap between cities and countryside and the structure of discrimination therein. But it is crucial to acknowledge that this has been going on among us: it is far from being an external event. That is to say, the self-definition of “Urban Under-class Workers’ movement” won’t any longer merit the name of under-class workers’ movement if it continuously separates itself from countryside non-urban areas in its consciousness.

We the movement of yoseba must revive as a true under-class workers’ movement in order to destroy the gap between cities and countryside as well as the structure of discrimination that appropriates, maintains and reinforces the gap. We who failed to make ourselves a concrete subjectivity of a movement with the radiation-exposed workers is holding on to the intention, now while concretely touching their agony, sorrow and death.

*Shuji Funamoto was born in Manchuria in 1945. Since 1968, he has been active in the Day-workers’ labor movement in yoseba. Day-workers were the workers who were used and disposed of on a day-to-day basis, suffering from very unstable working and living conditions; they were despised by civil society and ignored by the existing labor movements. Most radically problematizing the characteristics of the day-workers who appeared in the process of Japan’s modernization, Funamoto defined them as “fluid under-class workers.” He stressed the fact that they had been mobilized by state policy, then ruled and disposed of by the violent labor control. He said: “we see the historical and universal destiny of laborers in the Korean and Chinese workers working in Japan.” From such a historical perspective, Funamoto considered the day-workers as “the true workers of all” and “a wing of proletarian class struggle.” In practice he organized the Kamagasaki Joint Struggle Committee for Ousting Violent Labor Brokers in order to fight hard labor disputes. (About Kamagasaki, see this article .) In 1974 he was falsely charged with 1972 bombing incident at a government office in Kamagasaki (yoseba in Osaka), Airin Center [Loved Neighborhood Center], and went into hiding. In June 1975, he self-immolated in front of the gate of the US Kadena Military Base, protesting against the Okinawa visit of the crown emperor, Akihito. He was 29 years old.

*Kyoichi Yamaoka was born in Hokkaido in 1940. In 1972 in Tokyo, in association with Kamagasaki Joint Struggle Committee of Funamoto in Osaka, he established San’ya Struggle Committee for Ousting Vicious Brokers [Gento-i]. In 1981, he organized San’ya Struggle Group [San’ya Sogi-dan], and a year later, worked toward establishing All Nation Day-workers Conference [Hiyatoi Zenkyo]. He dedicated his life to day-workers’ movements. During the year 1982, the 60th reign of the emperor Hirohito, the Nakasone Administration came into power with the slogan of concluding the entire postwar politics, making a big revival of the political rule under the emperorist ideology. The following year, in San’ya, the right wing yakusa group, the Kanamachi Family, who had confronted the San’ya Day-workers movement in their attempt to control the labor dispatching interests, appeared as an armed fascist organization, calling themselves the Japan Emperor Faithful society/San’ya Mutual Aid Association. The struggle between the right wingers and the workers’ movement intensified. Meanwhile, beginning 1984, a documentary film: “Yama—Attack to Attack” was undertaken, but the director, Mitsuo Sato, was stabbed to death by the right wing organization. It was Yamaoka who took over the project and completed the film, that which stresses the continuity of the under-class workers with the Chinese and Korean workers who were forcibly taken to Japan to work at mines and then disposed of by state policy, pointed out the role of the emperorist ideology and right wingers for mass domination, and documented the reality of sufferings of the day-workers by the violent rule of yakuza labor brokers and by being abandoned to die outdoors. In January 13th 1986, he too was shot to death by the right wing group. He was 45 years old.

 

1 San’ya is the largest day-workers’ inner city [yoseba] in Tokyo.

2 Yoseba is the generic name for day-workers inner cities located in major cities in Japan – such as San’ya in Tokyo, Kotobuki-cho in Yokohama, Sasajima in Nagoya and Kamagasaki in Osaka — where flophouses and labor recruitment center are located.

3 About the film, please see: <http://www.bordersphere.com/events/yama1.htm&gt;.

4 Kenji Higuchi (1937~) is a photo journalist, known for his works on industrial pollution and radiation-exposed labor.

5 Yukoh Fujita (1942~) is a physicist and historian of science. After the Three Mile Island accident in 1979, he shifted his research activity from physics to the issues of nuclear power, especially its effects on human body and environment.

6 Koshiro Ishimaru, a former post office clerk, has been active in the anti-nuke movement in Fukushima for forty years.

 

About the Author:

Nasubi is an organizer of Committee of San’ya Workers’ Welfare Center and Emergency Project for Post-Fukushima Radiation-exposed Labor Issues

PDF (English)

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山谷と福島を結ぶ被曝労働問題への取り組みと下層労働運動の再生

なすび

1.寄せ場労働者と被曝労働
―福島原発事故と僕たちの責任

僕が映画『山谷 やられたらやりかえせ』を見て山谷を知り、支援活動に入ったのは1986年、すなわちチェルノブイリ原発事故の年だった。樋口健二さんの著作や講演から被曝労働者として寄せ場労働者が動員されている実態を知っていたので、寄せ場・山谷を訪れた僕は、当初より山谷労働者の被曝労働が頭の片隅にあった。しかし、寄せ場求人の多数である土木建設労働でも十分に苛酷かつ保障のない使い捨て労働であり、学生風情が山谷と山谷労働者から受ける様々な「洗礼」の中で、恒常的な山谷との関わりができても、僕はなかなか被曝労働の実情に触れる機会を持てずにいた。
寄せ場労働者の被曝労働問題をきちんと山谷で位置付けて動けたのは、それから10年以上経過した1998年だった。東京電力は福島第一原発で前代未聞の「シュラウド交換」という作業を労働者が炉心に入って行うと発表し、前年97年からその作業に入っていた。この想像を絶する被曝環境での労働の危険性を訴える藤田祐幸さん(当時慶大教員)からの呼びかけにより、日雇全協各支部がこの被曝労働を拒否するキャンペーンを行い、労働者に危険性を伝えるビラを配布していた。僕たちは日常的な活動の中で、労働者から被曝労働経験の聞き取りを意識的に行っていたが、経験を明かしてくれる労働者は10人か20人に1人くらい、しかも皆同じように具体的なことには口が堅く、ほとんど具体的な情報を集めることがで
きなかった。原発内の仕事のことを話さないよう口止めされている、手配師との関係(すなわちその後の仕事の関係)があるので話せない、と口にする人もいた。
その中で、いつも炊き出し活動に参加してくれている顔なじみの仲間が、野菜を切りながら「俺、5年くらい前、原発行ったよ」と言うので驚いた。新宿で野宿をしていた年配の松ちゃん(松本さん)だった。彼の話を皆で聞き被曝労働問題を考える学習会を、山谷労働者福祉会館の連続学習会の一環として持った。参加した労働者・支援者は、藤田祐幸さんとともに松ちゃんの話を聞き、何も知らない日雇労働者や野宿者がかなりの高線量環境に入って除染作業をさせられていることを、当事者の経験談として知った。また、松ちゃんと一緒に仕事に行った友人は白血病で変わり果てた姿になって亡くなったことも聞いた。
しかしながら、実際にシュラウド交換に行ったという労働者に会うことはできず、それどころか労働者から「仕事がない時代に『仕事にいくな』とはどういうことだ」という反応すらある中で、僕たちはそれ以上の取り組みや運動はできなかった。この時になぜもっとそこで踏ん張って運動化しなかったのか、福島原発事故直後から、僕は悔やまれてならない。藤田さんからは「原発は被曝労働なしには稼働しない。労働者が就労を拒否すれば原発は止まるんだ」と何度も聞かされていた。今回の原発事故の責任、98年当時にも増して就労の厳しい中で、かつてないほどの被曝を強要する労働環境を生み出した責任は、あの時に運動をしなかった僕たちにもある。

2.『被ばく労働自己防衛マニュアル』の作成

福島原発事故のあと、首都圏を中心とした様々な運動体や個人が集まり、福島原発事故緊急会議という枠組みが作られた。僕は先述のような痛恨の念から、この緊急会議に参加し、被曝労働問題プロジェクトのメンバーとして取り組みを始めた。まず、前代未聞の高線量環境での作業となる福島第一原発の収束作業に行く可能性のある人たちに配布するために、『被ばく労働自己防衛マニュアル』を作成した。
もちろん、労働者の身の安全を考えたら、こんな収束作業になど誰にも行かせるべきではない。その一方で、特に事故直後は、誰かがこの作業に行かなければ、さらに壊滅的な放射能汚染事故に展開することが予想された。また、様々な生活上の理由でその作業に行かざるを得ない労働者がいるだろうことは容易に想像がついた。「行くな」と言うだけではそのような労働者に声は届かず、結局運動から切り離すだけにしかならないことを、98年の苦い経験から僕は感じていた。また、被曝労働の問題は、放射線による健康被害のみならず、重層的下請構造と人夫出し手配という非人間的な無保障・使い捨て労働であり、その点でまさに日雇労働者・野宿労働者運動を行ってきた僕たちが、この問題を訴えなければ
いけないと考えていた。とにかく命と安全を守るための情報を労働者に伝え、緊急時の相談先を伝えること、すなわち運動として被曝労働者と繋がり運動化するためのツール、それがこの『マニュアル』だった。
この『マニュアル』を作成するに当たり、僕たちが取り組んで来なかった問題、すなわち被曝労災問題などについては、被曝労災認定裁判や損害賠償裁判に取り組んだ経験のある方に内容のチェックをお願いするしかなかった。その中で分かったことは、被曝労働問題を労働運動として取り組んだ運動は、いくつかの労働安全センターや原子力資料情報室などによるわずかな事例しかなく、僕たちのみならず多くの労働運動が、これを放置してきたことだった。原発の商業目的稼働が始まって45年が経過し、被曝労働者はのべ45万人を越えるだろうと言われる中で、わずか10名しか被曝労災の認定が得られていないことは、被曝労働者がいかに運動からも排除されてきたかを表している。
このような社会的状況の中で、この『マニュアル』は被曝労働に行く可能性のある労働者への情報提供・連絡回路としてのツールであるだけでなく、労働運動関係者が被曝労働問題を取り扱うための基礎情報としての意味を持ち、また、反原発運動の中ですら決して中心的な問題とされてこなかった被曝労働問題を広範に社会化するための資料としての意味を持つことになった。

3.福島の原発労働者と山谷労働者

この『マニュアル』を使い、具体的に被曝労働者と繋がる運動を展開するに当たり、全国安全センターや原子力資料情報室の方々と共同で、福島での労働相談拠点を開設することを模索してきた。そのために訪れた福島では、古くから反原発運動に地元で取り組み、被曝労働者への支援も行ってきた石丸小四郎さんに地元労働者の話を聞くことができた。
福島第一原発のある双葉町や大熊町では、農業に不適な土地であることもあり、原発建設以前は、ある程度の年齢になればみな出稼ぎ労働者や期間労働者として都市に出て行かざるを得なかったという。そして、ほとんど一年中出稼ぎに出ていて、いつも父親が家にいない家がたくさんあったという。原発ができて、山谷などの寄せ場や出稼ぎに出ていた人が地元に戻ってきて、原発で働き、いつも家族で夕飯が食べられると喜んだという。原発労働者の半数以上は地元出身者で、その労働者たちは、原発がなければかなりの割合で日雇的な出稼ぎ労働者として都市部にいたのだ。
山谷労働者には東日本出身者が多いが、とりわけ福島出身者は多い。そうなのだ。福島第一原発がもしなかったら、その労働者の少なからぬ人たちが、山谷近辺で僕たちと一緒に共同炊事を行っていたに違いないのだ。福島の原発労働者と山谷の日雇労働者・野宿労働者は、非人間的な使い捨て労働者としての構造的共通性の観点で繋がる話ではなく、実際に具体的関係の繋がりの中にあったのだ。
このことを知るにおよび、この取り組みは被曝労働運動を作る努力をしなかった自責の念によるものから、まさに山谷圏における労働運動の取り組みと同じ意味を持つものになった。それと同時に、その事実を知らずに25年もの活動を山谷で行ってきたことの問題を、改めて突き付けられた。

4.自己批判から下層労働運動として再生するために

また福島では、いわきに拠点を持つ労組からも様々な情報を得た。いわき地域でも福島第一・第二原発に行く労働者は一定数おり、50~55歳くらいにいつの間にか県外の病院に入院し、そのまま亡くなる方がいたという。そして、そのような話に「そう言えばあの人は原発に行ってたもんね」と言葉が交わされる風景が、日常的にあったという。
僕たちは、福島の労働者の周辺にあるこのような事情をずっと知らずにいた。98年の僕たちの被曝労働問題への取り組みは、しょせん「寄せ場での取り組み」でしかなく、「寄せ場からの取り組み」ですらなかった。この国の構造的な下層労働者の現実を本当に理解していたのなら、シュラウド交換の行われる福島第一原発を巡って、「山谷から」と「福島から」の回路が具体的に繋がれ、往還される運動がダイナミックに展開されなければならなかった。やはり僕たちは「何もできなかった」のではなく、「何もしようとしなかった」のだ。私たちがことあるごとに口にする二人の寄せ場活動家──船本洲治*と山岡強一*──の残したメッセージを僕たちが時代的に咀嚼し運動ができていたら、こんな無様なありよ
うではなかっただろう。
立地地域において、かつて労働の場を提供する有り難い存在として登場した原発は、この事故でその本質を露わにし、家族団らんの夕食どころか、地域の人たちの生活と歴史を丸ごと破壊した。生活苦の足元を見て強制された原発は、都市と地方の格差、差別構造を温存し、強化するものでしかなかったことは誰の目にも明らかだ。しかしそれは、彼我の距離にある事態ではなかった。「都市下層労働運動」という自己規定は、地方非都市部を意識から切り離した時点で、既に下層労働運動ではなくなっている。
僕たちのこれまでの不作為への自己批判を背景に、僕たち寄せ場の運動は改めて都市と地方との格差構造、そしてそれを利用・温存する差別構造を打ち壊すために、真の下層労働運動として再生しなければならない。多くの被曝労働者の前に、何ら具体的な運動的主体として登場し得なかった僕たちは、今、彼らの多くの苦痛と悲しみと死に具体的に触れる中で、その思いをかみしめている。

*船本洲治
 1945年旧満州生まれ。68年から山谷や釜ヶ崎などの寄せ場(日雇労働者向けの簡易宿泊所や職業安定所などがある地域)で、日雇労働者の労働運動を行う。労働条件・環境が不安定で日々使い捨てられる日雇労働者は、市民社会から見下され既存の労働運動からも無視されていた。それに対して船本は、封建時代以降の日本の近代化における日雇労働者の特徴を「流動的下層労働者」と捉え、国策に動員されながら暴力的な労働者支配の下におかれ使い捨てられてきた点を指摘し、「われわれは、朝鮮人労務者、中国人労務者の中に労務者としての歴史的・普遍的な運命をみる」と表現した。そのような歴史観から、船本は寄せ場労働者を「最も労働者らしい労働者」「階級的労線の一翼」と規定し、暴力手配師追放釜ヶ崎共闘会議(釜共闘)などを組織して、労働争議などを中心で行った。74年、釜ヶ崎の行政施設「あいりんセンター」内の爆発事件(72年)の犯人であるとデッチ上げられて潜行。75年6月25日、沖縄の米軍嘉手納基地ゲート前で、皇太子沖縄訪問反対を訴えて自らの体に火をつけた。享年29歳。

*山岡強一
 1940年北海道生まれ。68年から山谷に入り、72年に船本洲治の釜共闘と連動して山谷悪質業者追放現場闘争委員会(現闘委)を結成。81年の山谷争議団の結成、82年の全国日雇労働組合協議会(日雇全協)の結成に尽力し、寄せ場労働者の運動を中心的に取り組む。82年は、天皇在位60年を背景に「戦後政治の総決算」を掲げる中曽根政権が登場し、天皇主義イデオロギーの政治的支配が大きく再興した時期だった。翌年、山谷での運動と敵対し手配利権の支配を狙う右翼ヤクザ・日本国粋会金町一家が、日本皇誠会・山谷互助組合を名乗って武装登場し、それとの攻防が激化。84年から山谷のドキュメンタリー映画を撮影中の佐藤満夫監督が金町一家に刺殺された後、その作業を引き継ぎ、事実上の監督として『山谷 やられたらやりかえせ』を完成させた。その映画では、強制連行された中国人・朝鮮人炭鉱労働者と国策により使い捨てられてきた下層労働者との連続性と、天皇制イデオロギーと右翼が民衆支配に果たした役割を指摘し、労働者が受けるヤクザや業者による支配と棄民・野垂れ死にの実相を表現した。86年1月13日、新宿の路上で日本国粋会金町一家組員に射殺される。享年45歳。

 

著者について

なすび:山谷労働者福祉会館活動委員会/福島原発事故緊急会議被曝労働問題プロジェクトのオーガナイザーである。

PDF (日本語)

 

One thought on “Challenging the Issues Around the Radiation-exposed Labor That Connects San’ya and Fukushima — Toward a Revival of the Underclass Workers’ Movement”

  1. The untold secret story in Japan RIGHT NOW is the burning of iradiated Debris from the Fukushima area(known as “Gareki”)is being burned in heavily populated areas of japan,with total disregard for human life.Recently the Mayor of Osaka Toru Hashimoto has accepted and IS burning as I write, dangerous Nuclear contaminated material in Osaka and the length and breath of Japan…..HELP !!!

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